Understanding the History of Development of Panchayati
Raj in Assam through Assam Legislative Assembly
Debates, 1947 – 1960

By Sanghamitra Sarma

This paper seeks to understand the history of development of Panchayat Raj in Assam by looking into the Legislative Assembly debates prior to the establishment of Panchayati Raj in Assam in 1960. Grassroot democracy in Assam did not develop in a fortnight even after the Government of India, following the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee Report of 1957, seeks to introduce democratic decentralisation or the Panchayati Raj in various states to promote and propagate the culture of participative democracy in the county in the post independence period. The process of establishment of decentralised institutions for the people to participate requires careful discussions and deliberations. The outcome has to be a system which suits the unique socio-cultural system of the state. The paper traces how prominent politicians of Assam during those days laid down the foundational blocks of grassroot democracy in Assam by discussing and debating extensively on the different legislations on decentralisation.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779131

Majoritarian and Realigning Elections in Churachandpur
District, Manipur: A Study of Singat Assembly Constituency
from 1972-2007 Assembly Elections

By Bulchong Lhungdim Hemkhomang

Majoritarian and realigning elections are global phenomena in liberal democracy. The paper attempts to analyse this phenomenon in Churachandpur District (Manipur State) in general and Singat Assembly constituency in particular over the past elections after Manipur attained statehood. Unlike the other five Assembly constituencies in the district, Singat is the only constituency where no one so far has won the seat consecutively for the second time. The social apex body of the Zou community has a major role in the electoral politics of the constituency. In Manipur from the 1st Assembly election in 1972 till the 9th elections in 2007, the study reveals that there are only three constituencies where realignment in election took place in each subsequent elections and Singat is one of them. In such constituencies, elections are found to be not only more competitive in nature, but also the people in general are more politically educated than their counterparts. This model may be prescribed for the other constituencies in the district as well as to the entire State of Manipur to reactivate the essence of democracy once again as a vibrant institution to deliver the goods equally irrespective of socio-religious, economic background or descent.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779116

Ethnic History and Identity of the Zo Tribes in North East
India

By H. Thangtungnung

North East India is a hotspot of identity crisis and ethnic divisions. The Chin, Kuki, Zomi and Mizo tribes who are collectively known as Zo people are no exception. They have close cultural, lingual and religious affinities and a common ancestor called Zo. Historically, they have different theories of origin and migration based on their folklores, folktales and songs narrated down from one generation to another. The different origin theories like the Khul/Chhinlung or Cave origin theory, Chin Hills origin theory and Lost tribe (Manmasi) theory are among the most significant theories so far which speak, to some extent, something about their history and origin. Of late, the Lost Tribe theory has gained momentum which claims that the Zo tribes are among the ten lost tribes of Israel, particularly from the tribe of Manasseh. Israeli Chief Rabbi Shlomo Amar had recognised them as descendents of Israel in 2005, which was also approved by the Israeli government. Many have consequently immigrated to the ‘Holy Land’. In this backdrop, this paper is attempts to critically analyse and assess the ethnic origin of the Zo people with special reference to the lost tribe theory. Based on cultural and oral traditions, and Biblical sources, it also attempts to support that the Zo people are the ten lost tribe of Israel by substantiating various arguments to validate this origin theory.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779089

Problems of Insurgency: A Holistic Understanding from
Manipur, India

By M. Romesh Singh

Manipur, a jewel land of India and known for its rich cultural heritage and traditional arts, has become a place where violence and bloodshed is common feature of the state today. The problem is so much pronounced that people from other states widely recognise this small state through its prevailing problem of unrest. Insurgency threatens the existing development process and has become major obstacle for development of the state. In fact, insurgency emerged in the late sixties and seventies of the last century. Later on, it started giving tremendous pressure and lots of destruction in the systematic functioning of the state as well as central government. In due course of time, numbers of insurgent groups and factional groups have mushroomed due to differences in ideology among themselves. They have been continuously fighting against each other. On the other hand, for the purpose of controlling insurgency activities in the state, armed forces have been deployed in Manipur, equipped with wide range of powers. Ultimately, common men are suffering due to such activities and they are at the receiving end whether it is the activities of insurgency or that of the army. The present paper highlights the rise of insurgency and how innocent people’s right to live in freedom has been curtailed due to unrest in the state.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779077

Gender Bias in India’s North-Eastern Region: Its Manifestations, Causes and Consequences

By Anindita Sinha

Amidst growing concerns over the persistent deterioration of juvenile sex ratios in India, the possible proliferation of the ‘culture’ of discrimination in societies hitherto known for egalitarian gender relations within the subcontinent, has been a matter of further uneasiness and disquiet among researchers. This issue, for some reasons, has not been investigated fully for a significant chunk of the population of India, occupying eight states in the North-eastern region of the country. The present research is an attempt towards filling in that void by addressing the issue of gender bias among children, in this ethnically and culturally distinct part of India. Using district level data from large-scale sample surveys and the recent censuses of 2001 and 2011 for India, the present study forays into the primary factors shaping gender bias in child survival in North-east India. Analysis of panel data models reveal that factors generally considered associated with higher female autonomy/status, i.e. female education and female work participation, may not be sufficient for obliterating gender bias in child survival and in fact, may work towards increasing it. Results also suggest that economic deprivation could be a significant factor in increasing relative mortality disadvantage of females. However, cultural features of tribes do provide added protection to females against discrimination in child survival. The study points to the urgency of gender sensitive and gender specific policy, which incorporates economic and social vulnerabilities of women in transitional societies such as North-east India.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779057

Remembering Second World War: Memory, Politics and Deception

By Jangkhomang Guite

This paper concerns with the politics of remembering IIWW in Manipur. It will be observed that commemorating the IIWW in Manipur took at least three turns, all competing and contesting for dominance or recognition. First, the colonial state remembered its soldiers and officers in some War Cemeteries in the region silencing the role of local people. Second, after India’s independence these colonial monuments have been silenced and instead remembrance is now given to those soldiers and officers who fought the colonial armies such as the INA soldiers who immediately assumed status of patriots and freedom fighters of freed India. At the third level we can see that there was a contested conflict and marginality among different communities of Manipur who have competed to place and identify themselves, not as the colonial armies, but those of their opposite, the INA, the freedom fighters of the nation. It was within this contested marginality among these last groups this paper is particularly concerned with.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12779037

Sanjib Baruah, In the Name of the Nation: India and its Northeast, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2020.

Reviewed by Thongkholal Haokip

The scholarship of Sanjib Baruah on North East India studies is well-known in India and beyond in the last two decades. Many benefitted from his earlier works on various issues of the Northeast – from the politics of subnationalism to citizenship, ethnic conflicts to peace process, territoriality and indigeneity. However, in this latest work under review he mainly draws from the existing studies on India’s Northeast to further explain the prevalent problems together in the region in the last one decade. Baruah introduces the book by explaining the directional name “the northeast”, and its derivate term northeasterner as an expression of “a certain hierarchy and relation of power”, and the attempt by postcolonial Indian state to “turn an imperial frontier space into the national space”. In this process, through the imposition and creation of a special security regime, a situation of democracy deficits emerges in this regime of othering. Within the region, the “other others” responded by trying to identify themselves in certain terms, for example Gorkha, to assert Indian citizenship. Baurah continues the discussion on the colonial origins of indirect rule in the northeast frontier as a mode of governance during the British rule and its continuation in independent India.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12788049

Understanding the Income Tax Exemption for Sikkimese

By Satyabrat Sinha

In a recent judgement, on 13 January 2023, the Supreme Court (SC) of India extended Income Tax (IT) exemption to the ‘Indian-origin’ old settlers of Sikkim and to Sikkimese women married to non-Sikkimese.1 The old settlers, most of whom are Marwaris, will now be treated equivalent to the people of Sikkim who are recognized as Sikkimese for the purpose of IT exemption. So far, only Scheduled Tribes residing in Sixth Schedule areas and so recognized as native or local had IT exemption. The inclusion of an immigrant group into the differentiated citizenship regime in North East India is both, an opportunity to address grievances of non-local communities and at the same time a source of fear to communities identified as native and local.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12748108

Dilip Gogoi, Making of India’s Northeast: Geopolitics of Borderland and Transnational Interactions, Routledge, 2020.

Reviewed by Chinggelniang

Making of India’s Northeast: Geopolitics of Borderland and Transnational Interactions by Dilip Gogoi, is an engaging book that explores topics of borderland, sub-state, territories, and geopolitics. The conceptual framework of the research examines state behavior and interstate interactions while drawing largely on theories of international relations. In addition to charting the idea of Northeast India’s sub-state territory, it delves into the region’s complex political and socioeconomic challenges. The first chapter discusses the notion of sub-state and its exclusion from the dominant theories of international relations. Gogoi discusses how he attempts to investigate the same through an intensive study on Northeast India, the region that is often viewed as a geopolitically sensitive and distinctive region of India (p 1). The rationale behind selecting the sub-state region of Northeast India for this study is linked to the post-colonial state-making process, which saw the introduction of a new notion of border and sovereignty (p 4). As a result, it prompted the construction of additional barriers, further dividing several ethnic groups who were on the “margins” of the process. It also led to the introduction of multiple political and socio economic issues in the region.

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12747896

Anupama Roy. Citizenship Regimes, Law, and Belonging: The CAA and the NRC. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2022.

Reviewed by Adrita Gogoi

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12748074

The NRC and the CAA has generated debates on Indian citizenship, more particular on the present regime who have, amidst widespread criticism from the public, have given effect to the same. While the process of updating NRC was carried out distinctively in Assam because of popular consensus, it was not viewed the same way in other parts of the country. Even CAA was criticized from different contexts. Anupama Roy brings out the genesis of the recent trend of citizenship in India in the most comprehensive manner. The book by Anupama Roy specifically engages with the NRC and CAA in India, bringing in another instance of understanding the regime and discourse of citizenship in India, the ideology and legal practices of the state, more importantly the specific shift towards the principle of jus sanguinis. Roy discusses the different strands of citizenship in the book-  the hyphenated presenting the Assam’s case and the NRC; bounded citizenship in terms of CAA, distinguishing citizens from the non-citizens; liminal citizenship understanding the LBTA of 2015; to dissident citizenship. All these presents the recent characteristics of citizenship in India when a particular regime defined and delineated citizenship in a jus sanguinis order. It is interesting to understand from the book how intrinsically legacy was connected to ethnic/cultural and religious identity giving way to exclusionary citizenship practices in India.

The introduction of the book begins with the bringing of the CAA in the Indian parliament and starts with the premise that the CAA must be studied as a law in its anthropological context- taking back not only to the historical ruptures but also the regimes where citizenship laws were amended and modified over ideas as to who belongs and how. Roy begins the book stating that citizenship laws in India must not only be seen as ‘bare provisions’ but also must be understood from the regimes from where these laws emerged giving it an ideological and political definition. These citizenship practices for Roy, emerged from three successive regimes which gave three successive amendments to the Indian Citizenship Act. The first was the Citizenship Amendment Act of 1955 which was characterized by constitutional democracy and republican citizenship, a kind of transformative citizenship where people was the source of state authority and constitutionalism as the key feature; the second regime came in the wake of the Assam movement that led to an amendment in the Citizenship Act in 1985- making space for the Assamese citizen; the third regime was the 2003 amendment act for OCI which Roy argues have given way to the NRC and CAA putting in place a kind of documentary citizenship in India.

The first chapter, Hyphenated Citizenship: The National Register of Citizens is Roy’s attempt to understand the NRC in Assam which marks a distinctive regime of Indian citizenship in establishing an ‘Assamese legacy’ in determining the citizens and non-citizens of India. The responsibility of the Central government to trace the legacy of the Assamese through supporting documents to prove their Indian citizenship generated a kind of hyphenated citizenship in the Indian context. The Assamese exception in the preparation of the NRC, given their long struggle against undocumented Bangladeshi migrants was traced to the historic Assam movement, the Assam Accord and the special amendment in the citizenship Act of 1985. Roy argues that the discourse of the debate around NRC drove the regional and electoral politics of Assam and the narrative of protecting the Axomiya Jaati, marked a clear departure from the Assam Accord where the NRC was more involved in identifying citizens instead of ‘identifying and deporting illegal migrants’. The chapter intensely engages with the institutional, juridical and documentary practices in the preparation of the NRC in Assam, where many contestations and doubts arouse with the publication of the final draft.

The second chapter “Bounded Citizenship: The Citizenship Amendment Act 2019” presents a different regime of Indian citizenship which was brought through the CAA of 2019- where a notion of bounded citizenship was put in practice, where citizenship installs strict walls of separation, distinguishing citizens from the non-citizens on the basis of religion. The chapter brings out the way CAA and NRC brought about an ideological narrative in the country. It discusses the ideological framing of the citizenship in India through debates in the Constituent Assembly and the recent debates in the Parliament in December 2019 on CAA. The third chapter “Liminal Citizenship: The ‘Returnees’ and ‘New’ citizens” engages with the Land Border Agreement Treaty of 2015, between India and Bangladesh to resolve the disputes pertaining to the demarcation of boundary, where the exchange of land and population took place, presents a complex scenario of belongingness to the land and homeland. Though the LBAT exchanged the population and attempted to solve the illegality and ambivalence of citizenship over borders, it never completely absorbed the belongingness tied to their land, with expressions of loss and betrayal. This is presented through lived experiences at three transit camps for Indian returnees in Dinhata, Mekhliganj and haldibari and two chits with new citizens at Balipukhuri and Dhabalsati Mirgipur. The last chapter “Recalling Citizenship: The Constitutional Ethic” discusses the democratic practice of constitutional citizenship that followed post CAA in India through popular rallies, sit-ins, street art, threatre, PIL etc. The protests and the movements in the country following NRC and CAA, for Anupama Roy, was the recalling of the constitutional ethic of citizenship and Indian democracy which was the spirit of the constitution. The many sites of protests in the federal states of the country were sites of dissident citizenship to restore equality as a foundational principle of both the constitution and democracy.

The book thus traces the regime of citizenship in India which produces specific power structures; the NRC and the CAA giving in effect the principle of jus sanguinis more strongly in determining the citizenship of Indians, rooted in an ideology of majoritarian communitarianism. The shift from the popular consensus to an ideology of majoritarian communitarianism was strongly expressed in the recent NRC and the CAA.  These two strands of citizenship emerged from the 2003 amendment act, bringing in ethno/cultural legacy and religion as modes of determining citizenship. The author brings these arguments with the help of extensive field surveys, government reports, depositions, parliamentary and constituent assembly debates, court judgments presenting a legal and anthropological analysis in understanding the contemporary regime of Indian citizenship. The author adopted a legal-analytical framework to understand the exclusionary practices in Indian citizenship- a trend more identifiable in a neo-liberal world where people’s cultural and religious identity have become the primary sources of conflict. Looking back at the citizenship debates in the constituent assembly to the recent debates on the subject in the Indian parliament in December 2019, the author gives a striking contrast of the shift from republican democracy to majoritarian communitarianism.

From the book, it is indeed intrusive to reflect the way NRC and the CAA have strengthened and directed the nativist ideology, on the direction of religion. CAA is not just denying the Muslims the right to citizenship, but also a legal way to inculcate an ideology of anti-Muslim, who according to the present regime are not natives to this land and this is where the NRC was woven in the CAA narrative by the present regime. The NRC and CAA, most importantly have generated a kind of nativist legacy- of indigenous natives being the original citizens, indigenous meaning having ethnic and cultural practices as distinct from Muslims.

While dissident citizenship was reclaimed in the anti-CAA protests, which Roy says that it actually strengthens state sovereignty (Citizenship In India, 2016), how is it different from the popular cry and protests to detect, deport and expel out immigrants taking place in Assam over the decades. Is it appropriate to call the latter popular sovereignty? Can popular sovereignty be questioned when it comes to interpreting the NRC in Assam given that it was a popular appeal of the citizens themselves? The politics of NRC in Assam have been wielded to serve the ideology of Jaati- Maati- Bheti of the indigenous Assamese, which might not be the case in the other states of the Indian union. While it is interesting to see that the book brought out the different stories of the Indian states on the way they approached NRC and CAA, is there a need to contextualize NRC since it is based on a popular narrative or majoritarian communitarianism? Taking from this, perhaps, a strong point of the book would have been how cultural/ethnic and religious identity makes up the citizenship regimes in the neoliberal world. Though the NRC was not directly mentioned in the Assam Accord, much of it can be traced to its clause 5 which stressed on the need on detection, deletion and expulsion of foreigners in accordance with law.

While there is an argument that the bringing of the CAA made the NRC look like a futile exercise, NRC was anti-foreigner and anti-migrant, CAA was anti-Muslim. At the same time CAA escaped some criticism because it included some sections of population unlike NRC (except for Northeast India). But the common thread of the two was that both were exclusionary. While these are some important points to reflect, the study is a breakthrough in understanding citizenship regimes, laws and belongingness under the controversial NRC and CAA from wide ranging parliamentary debates to field observations which presents complex scenarios. Under the veil of a liberal state, the present regime has changed the discourse of law-making in India.

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